Common use of Foregrounding my research focus Clause in Contracts

Foregrounding my research focus. The main focus of my research is the Anglo-Japanese young people (A-Js) attending the London Hoshūkō (Japanese Saturday school) because I wanted to investigate a wider spectrum of young people than my two sons. The reason for researching Japaneseness is as the parent of two Anglo-Japanese sons I am dissatisfied with the fixed biological notion of Japaneseness as promulgated by the ideologies of Nihonjinron (see chapter 1) as it excludes the A-Js who are living in urban areas in Britain. It is my aim to problematise such a notion of Japaneseness as well as the black/white mixed category, which has dominated the literature on mixed ethnicities in Britain (Aspinall and Song, 2013). This is because: ‘Black’ juxtaposed to ‘white’, does not easily accommodate individuals who are of mixed descent, or who are bi-cultural and suggest too unitary an experience of ethnic minority (Xxxxxx and Song, 1995, p. 242). Ali (2006, p. 473) sought to ‘challenge existing ways of theorizing and understanding ‘race’ ’ and my research attempts to do this in relation to Japan’s dominant Nihonjinron ideology. I investigated the A-Js self-representations of Japanese language and cultural practices because I regard them as strong markers of their ethnicities. This was the result of a concentrated piece of ethnographically informed fieldwork from September 2008 to July 2011 which took place mainly inside Hoshūkō. My research investigated the following: 1) how the category Anglo-Japanese challenges biologically racialised notions of Japaneseness, 2) how the A-Js manage their participation in the educational practices at Hoshūkō46 which tries to promote notions of Japaneseness in the Nihonjinron sense of the word, 3) how Anglo-Japanese young people are marked by notions of Japaneseness in their lives outside Hoshūkō, and 4) how the language use and cultural practices of the A-Js connect with widely circulating ideologies of Japaneseness. In order to research the ethnicities of the A-Js and without having a prescription of what I would find, I tried to put into operation a triangulated research method by drawing on the work of Xxxxxx (2006) and Ali (2003). In order to generate data I used ethnographic tools (Green and Xxxxxx, 1997), including (1) participant observation (both in classrooms and in the library), (2) field notes,

Foregrounding my research focus. The main focus of my research is the Anglo-Japanese young people (A-Js) attending the London Hoshūkō (Japanese Saturday school) because I wanted to investigate a wider spectrum of young people than my two sons. The reason for researching Japaneseness is as the parent of two Anglo-Japanese sons I am dissatisfied with the fixed biological notion of Japaneseness as promulgated by the ideologies of Nihonjinron (see chapter 1) as it excludes the A-Js who are living in urban areas in Britain. It is my aim to problematise such a notion of Japaneseness as well as the black/white mixed category, which has dominated the literature on mixed ethnicities in Britain (Aspinall and Song, 2013). This is because: ‘Black’ juxtaposed to ‘white’, does not easily accommodate individuals who are of mixed descent, or who are bi-cultural and suggest too unitary an experience of ethnic minority (Xxxxxx Parker and Song, 1995, p. 242). Ali (2006, p. 473) sought to ‘challenge existing ways of theorizing and understanding ‘race’ ’ and my research attempts to do this in relation to Japan’s dominant Nihonjinron ideology. I investigated the A-Js self-representations of Japanese language and cultural practices because I regard them as strong markers of their ethnicities. This was the result of a concentrated piece of ethnographically informed fieldwork from September 2008 to July 2011 which took place mainly inside Hoshūkō. My research investigated the following: 1) how the category Anglo-Japanese challenges biologically racialised notions of Japaneseness, 2) how the A-Js manage their participation in the educational practices at Hoshūkō46 which tries to promote notions of Japaneseness in the Nihonjinron sense of the word, 3) how Anglo-Japanese young people are marked by notions of Japaneseness in their lives outside Hoshūkō, and 4) how the language use and cultural practices of the A-Js connect with widely circulating ideologies of Japaneseness. In order to research the ethnicities of the A-Js and without having a prescription of what I would find, I tried to put into operation a triangulated research method by drawing on the work of Xxxxxx Harris (2006) and Ali (2003). In order to generate data I used ethnographic tools (Green and XxxxxxBloome, 1997), including (1) participant observation (both in classrooms and in the library), (2) field notes,

Foregrounding my research focus. The main focus of my research is the Anglo-Japanese young people (A-Js) attending the London Hoshūkō (Japanese Saturday school) because I wanted to investigate a wider spectrum of young people than my two sons. The reason for researching Japaneseness is as the parent of two Anglo-Japanese sons I am dissatisfied with the fixed biological notion of Japaneseness as promulgated by the ideologies of Nihonjinron (see chapter 1) as it excludes the A-Js who are living in urban areas in Britain. It is my aim to problematise such a notion of Japaneseness as well as the black/white mixed category, which has dominated the literature on mixed ethnicities in Britain (Aspinall and Song, 2013). This is because: ‘Black’ juxtaposed to ‘white’, does not easily accommodate individuals who are of mixed descent, or who are bi-cultural and suggest too unitary an experience of ethnic minority (Xxxxxx and Song, 1995, p. 242). Ali Xxx (2006, p. 473) sought to ‘challenge existing ways of theorizing and understanding ‘race’ ’ and my research attempts to do this in relation to Japan’s dominant Nihonjinron ideology. I investigated the A-Js self-representations of Japanese language and cultural practices because I regard them as strong markers of their ethnicities. This was the result of a concentrated piece of ethnographically informed fieldwork from September 2008 to July 2011 which took place mainly inside Hoshūkō. My research investigated the following: 1) how the category Anglo-Japanese challenges biologically racialised notions of Japaneseness, 2) how the A-Js manage their participation in the educational practices at Hoshūkō46 which tries to promote notions of Japaneseness in the Nihonjinron sense of the word, 3) how Anglo-Japanese young people are marked by notions of Japaneseness in their lives outside Hoshūkō, and 4) how the language use and cultural practices of the A-Js connect with widely circulating ideologies of Japaneseness. In order to research the ethnicities of the A-Js and without having a prescription of what I would find, I tried to put into operation a triangulated research method by drawing on the work of Xxxxxx (2006) and Ali Xxx (2003). In order to generate data I used ethnographic tools (Green and Xxxxxx, 1997), including (1) participant observation (both in classrooms and in the library), (2) field notes,

Foregrounding my research focus. The main focus of my research is the Anglo-Japanese young people (A-Js) attending the London Hoshūkō (Japanese Saturday school) because I wanted to investigate a wider spectrum of young people than my two sons. The reason for researching Japaneseness is as the parent of two Anglo-Japanese sons I am dissatisfied with the fixed biological notion of Japaneseness as promulgated by the ideologies of Nihonjinron (see chapter 1) as it excludes the A-Js who are living in urban areas in Britain. It is my aim to problematise such a notion of Japaneseness as well as the black/white mixed category, which has dominated the literature on mixed ethnicities in Britain (Aspinall and Song, 2013). This is because: ‘Black’ juxtaposed to ‘white’, does not easily accommodate individuals who are of mixed descent, or who are bi-cultural and suggest too unitary an experience of ethnic minority (Xxxxxx and xxx Song, 1995, p. 242). Ali (20060006, p. 473) sought to ‘challenge existing ways of theorizing and understanding ‘race’ ’ and my research attempts to do this in relation to Japan’s dominant Nihonjinron ideology. I investigated the A-Js self-representations of Japanese language and cultural practices because I regard them as strong markers of their ethnicities. This was the result of a concentrated piece of ethnographically informed fieldwork from September 2008 to July 2011 which took place mainly inside Hoshūkō. My research investigated the following: 1) how the category Anglo-Japanese challenges biologically racialised notions of Japaneseness, 2) how the A-Js manage their participation in the educational practices at Hoshūkō46 which tries to promote notions of Japaneseness in the Nihonjinron sense of the word, 3) how Anglo-Japanese young people are marked by notions of Japaneseness in their lives outside Hoshūkō, and 4) how the language use and cultural practices of the A-Js connect with widely circulating ideologies of Japaneseness. In order to research the ethnicities of the A-Js and without having a prescription of what I would find, I tried to put into operation a triangulated research method by drawing on the work of Xxxxxx (20060006) and Ali (20030003). In order to generate data I used ethnographic tools (Green and Xxxxxx, 1997), including (1) participant observation (both in classrooms and in the library), (2) field notes,