Common use of Non Commercial Clause in Contracts

Non Commercial. You may not use this work for commercial purposes. No Derivative Works - You may not alter, transform, or build upon this work. Any of these conditions can be waived if you receive permission from the author. Your fair dealings and other rights are in no way affected by the above. If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact xxxxxxxxxxx@xxx.xx.xx providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Department of Classics, King’s College, London. 31 January 2013 This thesis is concerned with freedom of speech in early imperial Rome. The creation of the principate meant that the emperor held absolute power based on military force, but there is no comprehensive survey of how this affected freedom of speech. This study therefore examines relevant primary sources, approaching the question through three areas – controls imposed by the emperor through law and force majeure, self-censorship and peer pressure among the elite, and popular political protest. Most of the evidence presented is literary, reflecting the interests and concerns of the elite authors and their intended audience, though where relevant reference is made to inscriptions, graffiti and dipinti. The thesis considers the hierarchical, status-conscious nature of Roman society, arguing that concern for social standing affects all communication. Although there are incidents of control imposed by the emperor or his representatives, peer-to-peer pressure has a greater impact upon freedom of speech. Communication is affected by the status of the speaker, the audience and the occasion. The distinctions between “public” and “private” speech differed significantly from modern conceptions. This means that protocols arose for dealing with potentially offensive subjects – insult, criticism and obscenity – so that offence was minimised and social relations could continue harmoniously. This argument is developed by an exploration of political communication between senate and emperor, especially the importance of the differing relationships between the emperor and individual senators. The study concludes by exploring informal and popular protest at Rome, through gossip, demonstrations at ludi and xxxxxx, and through graffiti and pamphleteering. Even here, concerns for status and personal relationships with the emperor explain the forms protests take. This study aims to extend existing work and re-examine assumptions commonly made about freedom of speech, or its lack, in early imperial Rome. Table of Contents Abstract 1 Acknowledgements 5 Introduction 6 1: The legal basis for action against slander and libel 20

Appears in 4 contracts

Samples: End User License Agreement, End User License Agreement, End User License Agreement

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Non Commercial. You may not use this work for commercial purposes. No Derivative Works - You may not alter, transform, or build upon this work. Any of these conditions can be waived if you receive permission from the author. Your fair dealings and other rights are in no way affected by the above. If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact xxxxxxxxxxx@xxx.xx.xx providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 20. May. 2021 Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Department of Classics, Philosophy in Defence Studies at King’s College, London. College London 31 January 2013 March 2017 This thesis is concerned offers a novel insight into the relationship between British government engagement with freedom the public on nuclear deterrence policy, and the factors which influence that policy development. It considers the evolution of speech a complex, and largely unacknowledged aversion to the implications of total war, in early imperial Romeparticular the notion of inflicting non-combatant casualties as a deliberate, if not intentional, aspect of national strategy. This aversion was evident in the reluctance to engage in reprisals for bombing raids on London during the First World War, and the tensions it caused between operational strategy and public policy during the bombing campaign of the Second World War. The creation same aversion influenced early British understanding of nuclear deterrence, and public government engagement on nuclear deterrence policy tends to have been limited to technical detail such as performance or cost ever since. This is symptomatic of a reluctance to engage in complex moral debates in public, and modern media have exacerbated the problems by a tendency to reduce such issues to polarised arguments inhibiting genuine discussion while producing eye-catching studio drama. The public messaging implications of the principate meant challenging relationship between contemporary ‘rights-based’ ethical concepts and the more consequentialist ‘just war’ ethics that the emperor held absolute power based on military force, but there is no comprehensive survey of how this affected freedom of speechtend to dominate government policy have not been satisfactorily examined before. This study therefore examines relevant primary sourcesthesis considers that relationship and its impact. It concludes that only government must face all aspects of moral choices: while anti- nuclear opposition can afford selective deontological absolutes, approaching the question through three areas – controls imposed by the emperor through law and force majeure, self-censorship and peer pressure among the elitegovernments must have recourse to consequentialist moral concepts to provide for national defence, and popular political protestthis is difficult to portray in public, particularly through modern media. Most Government must engage in more than technical arguments if the strategic requirement for retention of the evidence presented nuclear deterrent is literary, reflecting the interests to be perceived as legitimate and concerns of the elite authors and their intended audience, though where relevant reference is made not rendered vulnerable to inscriptions, graffiti and dipinti. The thesis considers the hierarchical, status-conscious nature of Roman society, arguing that concern for social standing affects all communication. Although there are incidents of control imposed public misapprehension driven by the emperor or his representatives, peer-to-peer pressure has a greater impact upon freedom of speech. Communication is affected by the status of the speaker, the audience and the occasion. The distinctions between “public” and “private” speech differed significantly from modern conceptions. This means that protocols arose for dealing with potentially offensive subjects – insult, criticism and obscenity – so that offence was minimised and social relations could continue harmoniously. This argument is developed by an exploration of political communication between senate and emperor, especially the importance of the differing relationships between the emperor and individual senators. The study concludes by exploring informal and popular protest at Rome, through gossip, demonstrations at ludi and xxxxxx, and through graffiti and pamphleteering. Even here, concerns for status and personal relationships with the emperor explain the forms protests take. This study aims to extend existing work and re-examine assumptions commonly made about freedom of speech, or its lack, in early imperial Rome. Table of Contents Abstract 1 Acknowledgements 5 Introduction 6 1: The legal basis for action against slander and libel 20vocal minorities.

Appears in 1 contract

Samples: End User License Agreement

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