Common use of Visual data Clause in Contracts

Visual data. As previously mentioned, I received 3 sets of photographs from the 14 people I interviewed and 3 ‘photo-essays’ (Pink, 2007) (see appendices A and B). I initially asked the young people in my study to take photographs of objects or people which are important in their lives (following Xxx, 2003). Such data would allow myself to access knowledge about their lives outside Hoshūkō, in which would otherwise be difficult for myself to participate (Pink, 2007). This was because ‘careful use of images informants produce for us can greatly benefit ethnographic research’ (Pink, 2007, p. 91). Xxxxxxxx, Xxx (2006, p. 478) believed that researchers can have a great deal of power when working with young people, so it was hoped that by involving the young people in the research process it might help to redress the power imbalances in the research process between myself and the young people by enabling the young people to ‘become co-producers of “data” (Xxxxxxxxxx and Xxxxxxxx, 2007, p. 149). However, in reality the young people in my research were reluctant to take photographs as Xxxxx (aged 16), who chose not take photographs prior to the interview, stated, ‘I don’t really understand the photo thing […] will like they be seen by other people’ (Xxxxxx, A-J female aged 16, interview 21.04.2011). Xxxxxx seemed reluctant to provide photographs because she did not want other people looking at them71. Of the visual data I did manage to obtain, some of it was ‘highly illuminating in making sense of how participants consume spaces and objects’ (Xxxxxxxxxx and Xxxxxxxx, 2007, p. 149). However, Xxxx (aged 19) sent pictures downloaded from the internet rather than of ‘real’ photographs. Some took photographs of objects such as ballet shoes, a clarinet and a computer. I also asked the young people to produce a piece of writing entitled ‘Japanese language and culture in my life’ (following Xxxxxx, 2006). In order to make this task less tedious, I suggested including some photographs to illustrate their written text so it may become a ‘photo-essay’ (Pink, 2007). In order to encourage the young people to take part in my research, I went to two classes at Appleton Hoshūkō72. I showed them examples of photographs I had received and pieces of writing. At the time many seemed interested but not one person contacted me. I feel that it was because I was burdening participants by asking them to produce photographs and a written text. Many of the young people were high achievers which meant that they were very busy with 71 When I told my younger son about my research intentions, he thought I was some sort of ‘paedophile’ asking f or photographs and he said he would not have taken photographs either. 72 I also e-mailed some mothers to ask their children if they would take part in my research. The mothers were very interested but the children were not. mainstream school work including instrumental lessons, Hoshūkō work, extracurricular activities, and GCSE and/or A Level Japanese. In addition, it would have been easier if I had had permission to interview the young people at Hoshūkō rather than having to arrange interviews outside Hoshūkō. I felt that the notion of a powerful researcher did not seem to materialise in my research experience. This could have been due to the ethical nature of my research in that ‘the relationship between researcher and researched involves little exercise of power by the researcher. Indeed, very often it is the people studied who have most of the power […]’ (Xxxxxxxxxx, 1995, p, 109). However, as previously stated, I did manage to obtain 3 sets of photographs, and 3 photo-essays. These visual data together with the language questionnaires acted as a springboard for the conversational interviews which enabled me to obtain the self- representations of the meanings of the images and texts of the young people.

Visual data. As previously mentioned, I received 3 sets of photographs from the 14 people I interviewed and 3 ‘photo-essays’ (Pink, 2007) (see appendices A and B). I initially asked the young people in my study to take photographs of objects or people which are important in their lives (following XxxAli, 2003). Such data would allow myself to access knowledge about their lives outside Hoshūkō, in which would otherwise be difficult for myself to participate (Pink, 2007). This was because ‘careful use of images informants produce for us can greatly benefit ethnographic research’ (Pink, 2007, p. 91). XxxxxxxxMoreover, Xxx Ali (2006, p. 478) believed that researchers can have a great deal of power when working with young people, so it was hoped that by involving the young people in the research process it might help to redress the power imbalances in the research process between myself and the young people by enabling the young people to ‘become co-producers of “data” (Xxxxxxxxxx and Xxxxxxxx, 2007, p. 149). However, in reality the young people in my research were reluctant to take photographs as Xxxxx Yukio (aged 16), who chose not take photographs prior to the interview, stated, ‘I don’t really understand the photo thing […] will like they be seen by other people’ (XxxxxxYukiko, A-J female aged 16, interview 21.04.2011). Xxxxxx Yukiko seemed reluctant to provide photographs because she did not want other people looking at them71. Of the visual data I did manage to obtain, some of it was ‘highly illuminating in making sense of how participants consume spaces and objects’ (Xxxxxxxxxx and Xxxxxxxx, 2007, p. 149). However, Xxxx Hana (aged 19) sent pictures downloaded from the internet rather than of ‘real’ photographs. Some took photographs of objects such as ballet shoes, a clarinet and a computer. I also asked the young people to produce a piece of writing entitled ‘Japanese language and culture in my life’ (following Xxxxxx, 2006). In order to make this task less tedious, I suggested including some photographs to illustrate their written text so it may become a ‘photo-essay’ (Pink, 2007). In order to encourage the young people to take part in my research, I went to two classes at Appleton Hoshūkō72. I showed them examples of photographs I had received and pieces of writing. At the time many seemed interested but not one person contacted me. I feel that it was because I was burdening participants by asking them to produce photographs and a written text. Many of the young people were high achievers which meant that they were very busy with 71 When I told my younger son about my research intentions, he thought I was some sort of ‘paedophile’ asking f or photographs and he said he would not have taken photographs either. 72 I also e-mailed some mothers to ask their children if they would take part in my research. The mothers were very interested but the children were not. mainstream school work including instrumental lessons, Hoshūkō work, extracurricular activities, and GCSE and/or A Level Japanese. In addition, it would have been easier if I had had permission to interview the young people at Hoshūkō rather than having to arrange interviews outside Hoshūkō. I felt that the notion of a powerful researcher did not seem to materialise in my research experience. This could have been due to the ethical nature of my research in that ‘the relationship between researcher and researched involves little exercise of power by the researcher. Indeed, very often it is the people studied who have most of the power […]’ (Xxxxxxxxxx, 1995, p, 109). However, as previously stated, I did manage to obtain 3 sets of photographs, and 3 photo-essays. These visual data together with the language questionnaires acted as a springboard for the conversational interviews which enabled me to obtain the self- representations of the meanings of the images and texts of the young people.

Visual data. As previously mentioned, I received 3 sets of photographs from the 14 people I interviewed and 3 ‘photo-essays’ (Pink, 2007) (see appendices A and B). I initially asked the young people in my study to take photographs of objects or people which are important in their lives (following XxxAli, 2003). Such data would allow myself to access knowledge about their lives outside Hoshūkō, in which would otherwise be difficult for myself to participate (Pink, 2007). This was because ‘careful use of images informants produce for us can greatly benefit ethnographic research’ (Pink, 2007, p. 91). XxxxxxxxMoreover, Xxx Ali (2006, p. 478) believed that researchers can have a great deal of power when working with young people, so it was hoped that by involving the young people in the research process it might help to redress the power imbalances in the research process between myself and the young people by enabling the young people to ‘become co-producers of “data” (Xxxxxxxxxx Hammersley and XxxxxxxxAtkinson, 2007, p. 149). However, in reality the young people in my research were reluctant to take photographs as Xxxxx Yukio (aged 16), who chose not take photographs prior to the interview, stated, ‘I don’t really understand the photo thing […] will like they be seen by other people’ (XxxxxxYukiko, A-J female aged 16, interview 21.04.2011). Xxxxxx Yukiko seemed reluctant to provide photographs because she did not want other people looking at them71. Of the visual data I did manage to obtain, some of it was ‘highly illuminating in making sense of how participants consume spaces and objects’ (Xxxxxxxxxx Hammersley and XxxxxxxxAtkinson, 2007, p. 149). However, Xxxx Hana (aged 19) sent pictures downloaded from the internet rather than of ‘real’ photographs. Some took photographs of objects such as ballet shoes, a clarinet and a computer. I also asked the young people to produce a piece of writing entitled ‘Japanese language and culture in my life’ (following XxxxxxHarris, 2006). In order to make this task less tedious, I suggested including some photographs to illustrate their written text so it may become a ‘photo-essay’ (Pink, 2007). In order to encourage the young people to take part in my research, I went to two classes at Appleton Hoshūkō72. I showed them examples of photographs I had received and pieces of writing. At the time many seemed interested but not one person contacted me. I feel that it was because I was burdening participants by asking them to produce photographs and a written text. Many of the young people were high achievers which meant that they were very busy with 71 When I told my younger son about my research intentions, he thought I was some sort of ‘paedophile’ asking f or photographs and he said he would not have taken photographs either. 72 I also e-mailed some mothers to ask their children if they would take part in my research. The mothers were very interested but the children were not. mainstream school work including instrumental lessons, Hoshūkō work, extracurricular activities, and GCSE and/or A Level Japanese. In addition, it would have been easier if I had had permission to interview the young people at Hoshūkō rather than having to arrange interviews outside Hoshūkō. I felt that the notion of a powerful researcher did not seem to materialise in my research experience. This could have been due to the ethical nature of my research in that ‘the relationship between researcher and researched involves little exercise of power by the researcher. Indeed, very often it is the people studied who have most of the power […]’ (XxxxxxxxxxHammersley, 1995, p, 109). However, as previously stated, I did manage to obtain 3 sets of photographs, and 3 photo-essays. These visual data together with the language questionnaires acted as a springboard for the conversational interviews which enabled me to obtain the self- representations of the meanings of the images and texts of the young people.