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Agreement at PF: An Argument from Partial ControlResearch Paper • June 12th, 2013
Controlled null subjects (PRO) are semantically bound variables that bear morphological features. In certain environments of partial control, the morphological φ-features (specifically, [person]) and the semantic value of PRO diverge. A natural explanation of the fact that the [person] feature of PRO is uninterpreted is that it is assigned at PF. Given that this feature participates in agreement relations, we conclude that agreement must be (optionally or exclusively) a PF phenomenon.
