Bilingual children’s object agreement and case marking in Cusco Quechua1Bilingual Children's Object Agreement and Case Marking in Cusco Quechua • December 5th, 2011
In what ways does feature transfer from L1 Quechua influence bilingual children in their construction of an L2 Spanish grammar? In what ways does contact with L2 alter L1? Based on a pilot study of Quechua sentence comprehension and production in Ccatcca, Peru, and building on our Spanish fieldwork in Bolivia we answer that because Quechua allows a null third person object agreement morpheme to be co-indexed with definite, specific locations and directional movement as well as persons, children generate a superset of agreement features in their L2 Spanish that is difficult to retreat from in the absence of negative evidence. As for changes to L1, we discuss the syntactic significance of borrowing Spanish verb roots, the emergence of underived verbs and nouns, and changes in word order. We compare our results to Van de Kerke's corpus study of underived verbs in Quechua (1996) and Sánchez’ (2003) study in Lamas.
Bilingual children’s object agreement and case marking in Cusco Quechua1Bilingual Children's Object Agreement and Case Marking in Cusco Quechua • December 14th, 2010
In what ways does feature transfer from L1 Quechua influence bilingual children in their construction of an L2 Spanish grammar? In what ways does contact with L2 alter L1? Based on a pilot study of Quechua sentence comprehension and production in Ccatcca, Peru, and building on our Spanish fieldwork in Bolivia we answer that because Quechua allows a null third person object agreement morpheme to be co-indexed with definite, specific locations and directional movement as well as persons, children generate a superset of agreement features in their L2 Spanish that is difficult to retreat from in the absence of negative evidence. As for changes to L1, we discuss the syntactic significance of borrowing Spanish verb roots, the emergence of underived verbs and nouns, and changes in word order. We compare our results to Van de Kerke's corpus study of underived verbs in Quechua (1996) and Sánchez’ (2003) study in Lamas.
