Common use of Mixedness in a Japanese context Clause in Contracts

Mixedness in a Japanese context. Although Japanese people of mixed ethnicities did not become a widely recognised phenomenon until the American occupation of Japan after World War II, they have existed since European missionaries and traders first entered Japan (c. 1560) (Fish, 2009). In post World War II Japan a racially mixed group of people was perceived to be a larger group than it actually was as around areas with military bases the mixed population had become more visible (Fish, 2009), with a significant proportion having Black American fathers36 (Wagamatsu, 1976). In addition, a large proportion were born to single-mothers and consequently tended to become members of lower socioeconomic classes than were the offspring of missionaries and traders (Fish, 2009). Some children were abandoned by their single mothers and put into homes (Xxxxxxxxx, 2008). Such children were not referred to as Japanese, and European racist terminology was used including hāfu (half), kuootā (quarter), and hachiban no ichi (one-eighth) which were the Japanese equivalents of half-caste, quadroon (one-quarter black) and octoroon (one eighth black) (Xxxxxxxxx, 2008). Other Japanese terms, some of which are negative and some of which are positive, have also existed in Japan to describe people of mixed ethnicities. Two negative terms are ainoko (love-child) and konketsu-ji (mixed-blood child) (Xxxxxxxxx, 2002) . Although ainoko literally means love-child, it has a pejorative sense as it indicates ‘a child of unlike things put together’ as in ‘hybrid’ animals or plants (Xxxxxxxxx, 2002, p. 213). Xxxxxx also implies negativity as it was used to label the offspring of US servicemen and Japanese women after World War II. This word has become politically incorrect and it is currently obsolete (Sekiguchi, 2002). The second term, Konketsu-ji, which literally means ‘mixed-blood child’, underlines the importance of blood in Japan (Sekiguchi, 2002). This term was used to negatively refer to the off- spring of American servicemen as it had connotations of single-mother families and school dropouts (ibid). According to Xxxx (2009, p. 41) this label conjures up: traditional images of an ‘outsider’ group in ‘homogenous Japan’, of the importance of pure-bloodedness in Japanese identity, and of a group being victimized by discrimination. In spite of these negative connotations, Fish (2009) points out that the term ‘mixed-blood’ is still the most widely used label in scholarship. This use of the racial metaphor of blood would appear to highlight the influence of Xxxxxxxxxxx inspired terminology on academia (Sugimoto, 2014, p. 21). Although there are two positive terms in Japan: kokusai-ji (international child) and dabaru (double), their usage has not become widespread (Sekiguchi, 2002). The former was advanced in 1979 in the International Year of the Child. It has positive connotations as this term highlights the positive aspects of the international quality of mixed ethnicities (ibid). Xxxxxxxxx (2002) points out that this term failed to be widely acknowledged in Japan and it was only used by journalists 36 There would appear to be a racial hierarchy in Japan. This was because White American-Japanese were perceived in a more positive light than Black American-Japanese (Wagamatsu, 1976). and some enlightened parents. The latter term, dabaru (double), is another borrowed word from English and it connotes the positive aspects of mixed ethnicities (Xxxxxx-Xxxxxxxxxx, 2008; Xxxxxxxxx, 2002). It is considered to be a term of empowerment but it is not generally used in vernacular Japanese (Sekiguchi, 2002). In spite of the existence of more positive labels, the term hāfu, which ‘represents an active redefining of an inherently racist term, is still the preferred term in vernacular Japanese both as a self-identifying label (Xxxxxx-Xxxxxxxxxx, 2008, p. 287) and as a label to describe people of mixed ancestry (Xxxxxxxxx, 2002). Although the current popular stereotype of hāfu is “cute/cool” and “bilingual” and the term is used as a trendy label, it can have a denigrating connotation of “half-breed Japanese” (Sekiguchi, 2002, p. 214). Many young people of mixed ethnicities are vulnerable to bullying (Xxxxxxx and Xxxxxxx, 2000; Kamada, 2010), which highlights the marked status of the term hāfu in Japanese society. Next, I will turn to research which has been conducted in terms of mixedness in the British arena to establish the extent to which the A-Js have been included.

Mixedness in a Japanese context. Although Japanese people of mixed ethnicities did not become a widely recognised phenomenon until the American occupation of Japan after World War II, they have existed since European missionaries and traders first entered Japan (c. 1560) (Fish, 2009). In post World War II Japan a racially mixed group of people was perceived to be a larger group than it actually was as around areas with military bases the mixed population had become more visible (Fish, 2009), with a significant proportion having Black American fathers36 (Wagamatsu, 1976). In addition, a large proportion were born to single-mothers and consequently tended to become members of lower socioeconomic classes than were the offspring of missionaries and traders (Fish, 2009). Some children were abandoned by their single mothers and put into homes (Xxxxxxxxx, 2008). Such children were not referred to as Japanese, and European racist terminology was used including hāfu (half), kuootā (quarter), and hachiban no ichi (one-eighth) which were the Japanese equivalents of half-caste, quadroon (one-quarter black) and octoroon (one eighth black) (Xxxxxxxxx, 2008). Other Japanese terms, some of which are negative and some of which are positive, have also existed in Japan to describe people of mixed ethnicities. Two negative terms are ainoko (love-child) and konketsu-ji (mixed-blood child) (XxxxxxxxxSekiguchi, 2002) . Although ainoko literally means love-child, it has a pejorative sense as it indicates ‘a child of unlike things put together’ as in ‘hybrid’ animals or plants (XxxxxxxxxSekiguchi, 2002, p. 213). Xxxxxx Ainoko also implies negativity as it was used to label the offspring of US servicemen and Japanese women after World War II. This word has become politically incorrect and it is currently obsolete (Sekiguchi, 2002). The second term, Konketsu-ji, which literally means ‘mixed-blood child’, underlines the importance of blood in Japan (Sekiguchi, 2002). This term was used to negatively refer to the off- spring of American servicemen as it had connotations of single-mother families and school dropouts (ibid). According to Xxxx Fish (2009, p. 41) this label conjures up: traditional images of an ‘outsider’ group in ‘homogenous Japan’, of the importance of pure-bloodedness in Japanese identity, and of a group being victimized by discrimination. In spite of these negative connotations, Fish (2009) points out that the term ‘mixed-blood’ is still the most widely used label in scholarship. This use of the racial metaphor of blood would appear to highlight the influence of Xxxxxxxxxxx Nihonjinron inspired terminology on academia (Sugimoto, 2014, p. 21). Although there are two positive terms in Japan: kokusai-ji (international child) and dabaru (double), their usage has not become widespread (Sekiguchi, 2002). The former was advanced in 1979 in the International Year of the Child. It has positive connotations as this term highlights the positive aspects of the international quality of mixed ethnicities (ibid). Xxxxxxxxx Sekiguchi (2002) points out that this term failed to be widely acknowledged in Japan and it was only used by journalists 36 There would appear to be a racial hierarchy in Japan. This was because White American-Japanese were perceived in a more positive light than Black American-Japanese (Wagamatsu, 1976). and some enlightened parents. The latter term, dabaru (double), is another borrowed word from English and it connotes the positive aspects of mixed ethnicities (Xxxxxx-Xxxxxxxxxx, 2008; XxxxxxxxxSekiguchi, 2002). It is considered to be a term of empowerment but it is not generally used in vernacular Japanese (Sekiguchi, 2002). In spite of the existence of more positive labels, the term hāfu, which ‘represents an active redefining of an inherently racist term, is still the preferred term in vernacular Japanese both as a self-identifying label (Xxxxxx-Xxxxxxxxxx, 2008, p. 287) and as a label to describe people of mixed ancestry (XxxxxxxxxSekiguchi, 2002). Although the current popular stereotype of hāfu is “cute/cool” and “bilingual” and the term is used as a trendy label, it can have a denigrating connotation of “half-breed Japanese” (Sekiguchi, 2002, p. 214). Many young people of mixed ethnicities are vulnerable to bullying (Xxxxxxx and XxxxxxxAkinori, 2000; Kamada, 2010), which highlights the marked status of the term hāfu in Japanese society. Next, I will turn to research which has been conducted in terms of mixedness in the British arena to establish the extent to which the A-Js have been included.