American and British English definition

American and British English grammar: An elicitation experiment. English Studies 60: 195–215. Xxxxx, Xxxxxx (2001). Agreement with Collective Nouns in English. Lund, Sweden: Lund University. Xxxxxxxxxx, Xxxxxx X. (1958) American English. New York: Oxford Univ. Press Xxxxx, Xxxxxxxx, Xxxxxx Xxxxxxxxx, Xxxxxxxx Xxxxx & Xxx Xxxxxxxx (1985). A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language. London and New York: Longrnan. Xxxxxxxxxx, Xxxxxxx & Xxxxxxxxx, Xxxxx (2009). One Language, Two Grammars? Differences between British and American English. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Examples of American and British English in a sentence

• Our argument for the unmarked status of newness (‘information focus’) in Standard American and British English comes from the syntax-phonology interface.

• We will argue that the grammar of Standard American and British English marks Givenness and FoCus, but is blind to newness.

• However, as we will discuss shortly, there is pressure in Standard American and British English to represent contrasts with discourse referents from the preceding context.

• The phonological puzzle posed by SOFs is that SOFs do not display the obligatory H accent tone expected of a [FoC]-marked constituent in Standard American and British English.

• Proportions of plural verbs produced after collective and noncollective singular and plural subject noun phrases by American and British English speakers in sentence-completion norming.

• As we’ve just seen, in all-new, pragmatically neutral, declarative sentences in Standard American and British English, a phonological consequence of prosodic headedness is the appearance of a predictable H tone on the head syllable of a phonological phrase.

• Another family of phonological markedness constraints that plays a role in determining the default surface distribution of tone in Standard American and British English involves the edges, or boundaries, of prosodic constituents.

• The other shows how the phonology of Standard American and British English derives the distribution of tone and prosodic prominence as a function of prosodic constituency.

• Furthermore, when it comes to get-passives, they are most frequently used in American English, and the Australian takes an intermediate position between the American and British English.

• Summarizing this section as a whole, we have seen that the distribution of phrasal head prominences and of accent and edge tones in the phonological output representations of all-new pragmatically neutral sentences in Standard American and British English is phonologically predictable on the basis of the morphosyntactic output structure (MSO) of a sentence.