Lexical Influences on the Agreeing Complementizer Sample Clauses

Lexical Influences on the Agreeing Complementizer. As demonstrated in the previous sections, there are both semantic, pragmatic, and syntactic conditions on the complementizer agreement relation in Lubukusu. This section looks at the lexical influences on complementizer agreement, as there is variation between CP-selecting verbs as to whether they allow the agreeing complementizer to 38 It is an important question whether non-agreeing bali is a distinct complementizer from the agreeing complementizer, or whether it is the same syntactic element, but is realized as a default form in certain contexts. I won’t repeat the evidence here, but as has been discussed previously, in because-phrases and if-clauses (§3.4) the non-agreeing bali can occur in a variety of contexts in which the agreeing complementizer is impossible, patterning with the generic complementizer mbo. I interpret these facts structurally, claiming that non-agreeing bali occurs in a different position from the agreeing complementizer, explaining their distinct distributions. As pointed out to me by Xxxx Xxxxxxx, an alternative analysis could be that they in fact occur in the same structural positions, but agreement on the complementizer is ruled out in certain structural contexts and a default form results. It is unclear to me how such a “default” analysis could explain the facts in §6.1, but I must leave a full investigation of the matter to future research. occur in their complement. As I will demonstrate, the unifying thread between all verbs disallowing the agreeing complementizer is that they are emotive factive verbs. There are a large number of CP-selecting verbs in Lubukusu that allow complementizer agreement. Perhaps the most common cases of complementizer agreement come with verbs of speech, as shown in (113), but the agreeing complementizer also occurs naturally with verbs of knowledge/belief and verbs of desire, shown in (114) and (115), respectively:
Sample 1
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