Common use of Policy Response Clause in Contracts

Policy Response. Djakarta – Phnom Penh – Hanoi – Peking – Pyongyang Axis of Power In conjunction with Xxxxxxxx’x propensity towards fighting a continuous struggle against the imperialists, the concept of the ‘Axis of Power’ linking together Xxxxx Xxxxx, Xxxxx, Xxxx Xxx, Xxxxxxxx, xxx Xxxxxxxxx, eventually developed as a vehicle to advance the anti- imperialism platform onto the world stage. Under the worldwide band- wagoning of New Emerging Forces (NEFOS) against an all-permeating neocolonialism brought forth by the Old Established Forces (OLDEFOS), the Axis of Power was intended to become the primary instrument by which NEFOS was to be infused with life throughout East Asia. President Xxxxxxxx’x announcement during the Independence Day speech of 1965 establishing the Djakarta – Phnom Penh – Hanoi – Peking – Pyongyang anti-imperialist axis of powers was the culmination of his revolutionary foreign policy. Xxxxxxxxx (1967, 227) claimed that such a proclamation officially removed Indonesia from Non – Alignment. Xxxxxxxx himself, however, did not seem to really mind for he claimed that ‘this axis is the most natural axis, formed by the course of history itself’ (Leifer 1983, 105). Among those present at the Independence Day speech were delegates from North Korea, Viet Nam, and Cambodia. President Xxxxxxxx underscored the symbolism of the presence of these delegates as to give the impression that NASAKOM (nationalists, religious leaders, and communists) was also present at the announcement: Let the imperialists look at the three of us: one who is a Prince (Xxxxxxxx of Cambodia); one who is a Marxist-Leninist (the representative of North Korea) and the other one (Xxxxxxxx) is NASAKOM compressed, but all three of them are patriots, all three of them fight imperialism … I am announcing to the whole world, to all friends and foes, that no evil spirit, no Jinn7, no devil can prevent Korea, Vietnam, Cambodia, and Indonesia 7 To provide context to Xxxxxxxx’x words, in Islamic belief a Jinn is a ‘life-form’ that is created by God that takes the form on Earth of a ‘spirit.’ Jinns can be ‘good’ or ‘evil,’ and take up a physical form to that resembling a human (as a person) or an apparition, i.e. without physical form or presence. In the same belief, angels are created from light and are always obedient to God while the devil, or Satan, was created from fire and is always disobedient to God. In Indonesian culture as in other cultures as well, these beings are believed to have possess extraordinary ‘powers.’ Xxxxxxxx’x use of these ‘spiritual’ beings in his speech was for the purpose of supporting this argument that no one, not even these beings, can prevent the ‘natural’ establishment of the Axis of Powers. from becoming friends and uniting in the march towards a New World without exploitation de l’homme par l’homme (Xxxxxxxxx 1967, 219-220). Such rhetoric was taken at face value by some Western observers to mean that China and Indonesia have paired up to lead a cohesive North- South anti-imperialist movement to defeat the United States in North Vietnam (Hauswedell 1973, 23-24). Such fears were supplemented by an announcement of increased technical and economic cooperation between China and Indonesia that started speculation of China offering help to Indonesia in developing a nuclear bomb (Xxxxxxxxx 1967, 221-222). However, Xxxxxxxx’x crafting of the composition of the axis was resented by some too and was construed as a bit misleading on the degree of cooperation and policy coordination these countries had actually achieved. Despite inclusion in the axis, Cambodia’s Prince Xxxxxxxx was not happy with such an inclusion, although he continued to maintain close ties with Indonesia during the 1960’s (Xxxxxxxxx 1967, 249-250). Xxxxxxxx reminded Xxxxxxxx that Cambodia’s principle was neutrality and that the axis was more image than reality (Hauswedell 1973, 23, footnote 30). However, referring to Xxxxxxx (1964, 944), Xxxxxxxxx (1967, 250, footnote 35) claims that Xxxxxxxx had even solicited Cambodia’s support for Xxxxxxxxxx, a vehicle that was constructed to secure Malay solidarity within the context of the confrontation of Malaysia, as shall be discussed later. And despite the seemingly cosy relationship with China, the Chinese were also unwilling to have the term of the ‘Djakarta – Phnom Penh – Hanoi – Peking – Pyongyang Axis’ written into any resolution or communiqué. This can be concluded from Xxxxx Xxxxxxxxxx’x interview with a member of a delegation to China in 1965, Djakarta, February 1972 (Hauswedell 1973, 23, footnote 30). Two countries did not reject Xxxxxxxx’x initiative in including them into the Axis: Viet Nam and North Korea. Indonesia has since maintained excellent close relations with these two countries. Nevertheless, this Axis could have had an effect on international politics if it were not for the fact that the Djakarta – Phnom Penh – Hanoi – Peking –Pyongyang Axis only lasted for less than one month and a half, i.e. until the 30 September 1965 Indonesian coup d’etat that was presumably conducted by the Partai Komunis Indonesia (Indonesian Communist Party or PKI) whereby several top military officers were kidnapped and assassinated. By that time anti-Chinese sentiment loomed large which led to the attack on the Chinese embassy by Indonesian citizens. Given the prevalence of the anti-communist campaigns throughout the country, the political atmosphere in Indonesia no longer favored relations with China, and hence, the alliance has since practically ended. It is worth noting that both the Soviet Union and the United States attempted to cultivate Indonesia’s friendship although the international climate was not conducive towards such an exercise. Based on Xxxxxxxxx’x analysis, such a stance may reflect the emergence of a long- range policy in which a strong Indonesia could ultimately constitute the essential and pivotal link in a future ‘Washington – Tokyo – Djakarta – New Delhi – Moscow Axis’ for the ‘Confrontation of China’ (Xxxxxxxxx 1967, 255). Xxxxxxxxx (1967, 256) also argued that should this alignment come to fruition, in the context of regional leadership and national- regional security Indonesia would still be within the bounds of an ‘active and independent’ foreign policy.

Policy Response. Djakarta – Phnom Penh – Hanoi – Peking – Pyongyang Axis of Power In conjunction with NEFOS versus XXXXXXX The foreign policy doctrine that possibly best reflected Xxxxxxxx’x propensity towards fighting a continuous struggle against the imperialists, ideology was the concept of the ‘Axis of Power’ linking together Xxxxx Xxxxx, Xxxxx, Xxxx Xxx, Xxxxxxxx, xxx Xxxxxxxxx, eventually developed as a vehicle to advance the anti- imperialism platform onto the world stage. Under the worldwide band- wagoning of New Emerging Forces (NEFOS) constantly struggling against an all-permeating neocolonialism brought forth by the Old Established Forces (OLDEFOS). This doctrine was arguably the most dominant political platform from which Xxxxxxxx dealt with the events that unravelled before Indonesia on the world stage. The New Emerging Forces (NEFOS) were the newly independent nations of Asia, Africa, and Latin America, the Axis of Power was intended to become the primary instrument by which NEFOS was to be infused with life throughout East Asia. President Xxxxxxxx’x announcement during the Independence Day speech of 1965 establishing the Djakarta – Phnom Penh – Hanoi – Peking – Pyongyang anti-imperialist axis of powers was the culmination of his revolutionary foreign policy. Xxxxxxxxx (1967, 227) claimed that such a proclamation officially removed Indonesia from Non – Alignment. Xxxxxxxx himself, however, did not seem to really mind for he claimed that ‘this axis is the most natural axis, formed by the course of history itself’ (Leifer 1983, 105). Among those present at the Independence Day speech were delegates from North Korea, Viet Namsocialist bloc, and Cambodia. President Xxxxxxxx underscored the symbolism progressive organizations and individuals in the capitalist countries while the Old Established Forces were defined as the old colonialist powers that prevented the development of the presence of these delegates as to give the impression that NASAKOM (nationalistsnew nations, religious leadersintervened militarily against them, and communists) was also present at the announcement: Let the imperialists look at the three of us: one who is a Prince (Xxxxxxxx of Cambodia); one who is a Marxist-Leninist (the representative of North Korea) and the other one (Xxxxxxxx) is NASAKOM compressedhad infiltrated their cultures. The NEFOS were fighting against Colonialism, but all three of them are patriotsImperialism, all three of them fight imperialism … I am announcing to the whole world, to all friends and foes, that no evil spirit, no Jinn7, no devil can prevent Korea, Vietnam, CambodiaCapitalism, and Indonesia 7 To provide context to Xxxxxxxx’x words, in Islamic belief a Jinn is a ‘life-form’ that is created by God that takes the form on Earth of a ‘spirit.’ Jinns can be ‘good’ or ‘evil,’ and take up a physical form to that resembling a human (as a person) or an apparition, i.e. without physical form or presence. In the same belief, angels are created from light and are always obedient to God while the devil, or Satan, was created from fire and is always disobedient to God. In Indonesian culture as in other cultures as well, these beings are believed to have possess extraordinary ‘powers.’ Xxxxxxxx’x use of these ‘spiritual’ beings in his speech was for the purpose of supporting this argument that no one, not even these beings, can prevent the ‘natural’ establishment all defenders of the Axis of Powers. from becoming friends and uniting in the march towards status quo – essentially they wanted to build a New World new world order without exploitation l’exploitation de nation par nation et de l’homme par l’homme (Xxxxxxxxx 1967, 219-220exploitation of nation by nation and of man by man). Such rhetoric Essentially, President Xxxxxxxx had set out to challenge the forces of NEKOLIM, an acronym coined by Lt. Gen. Xxxxx Xxxx that stood for neocolonialism, colonialism, and imperialism. According to Leifer (1983, 57), one of Xxxxxxxx’x biographers explained that XXXXXXX was taken at face value by some Western observers to mean that China and Indonesia have paired up to lead a cohesive North- South the 1960’s version of the anti-imperialist movement imperialism of the 1920’s whereby direct colonial control was replaced by economic domination or Western political spheres of influence. Xxxxxxxx used the background of NEKOLIM to defeat rally Afro-Asian support for Indonesian initiatives to expel Western political presence in the United States in North Vietnam (Hauswedell 1973, 23-24). Such fears were supplemented by an announcement of increased technical Southeast Asian islands and economic cooperation between China and Indonesia that started speculation of China offering help to Indonesia in developing a nuclear bomb promote national unity via his own charismatic leadership (Xxxxxxxxx 1967, 221-222202- 203). However, Xxxxxxxx’x crafting At the first conference of the composition non-aligned states, held in Belgrade in September 1961, President Xxxxxxxx provided a critique of the axis structure of the international system that differed from the view held by the Non- aligned Movement, which was resented by some too essentially the central view of India’s Nehru, Egypt’s Xxxxxx, and was construed as Yugoslavia’s Xxxx: Prevailing world opinion … would have us believe that the real source of international tension and strife is ideological conflict between the great powers. I think that is not true. There is conflict which cuts deeper into the flesh of man and that is the conflict between the new emergent forces for freedom and justice and the old forces of domination (Leifer 1983, 58). It is worthwhile to note that Xxxxxxxx’x ideas for a bit misleading on the degree so-called United Front of cooperation and policy coordination these countries had actually achieved. Despite inclusion all colonized people against their oppressors were, in fact, ingrained in the axisruminations that deeply occupied his thoughts during his pre-independence days. After independence, Cambodia’s Prince such ideas were simply applied to international politics. In April 1955, in his opening address to the Asian-African Conference in Bandung, Xxxxxxxx was had warned the delegates: And I beg of you, do not happy with such an inclusionthink of colonialism only in the classic form which we in Indonesia and our brothers in different parts of Asia and Africa knew. Colonialism has also its modern dress, although he continued to maintain close ties with Indonesia during in the 1960’s form of economic control, intellectual control, actual physical control by a small but alien community within a nation (Xxxxxxxxx 1967Leifer 1983, 249-25052). Xxxxxxxx reminded Xxxxxxxx that Cambodia’s principle was neutrality continued with: Imperialism and that colonialism and the axis was more image than reality (Hauswedell 1973continued forcible divisions of nations – I stress those words – is at the root of almost all international and threatening evil in this world of ours. Until these evils of a hated past are ended, 23, footnote 30). However, referring to Xxxxxxx (1964, 944), Xxxxxxxxx (1967, 250, footnote 35) claims that Xxxxxxxx had even solicited Cambodia’s support for Xxxxxxxxxx, a vehicle that was constructed to secure Malay solidarity within the context of the confrontation of Malaysia, as shall be discussed later. And despite the seemingly cosy relationship with China, the Chinese were also unwilling to have the term of the ‘Djakarta – Phnom Penh – Hanoi – Peking – Pyongyang Axis’ written into any resolution or communiqué. This there can be concluded from Xxxxx Xxxxxxxxxx’x interview with a member of a delegation to China no rest or peace in 1965all this world (Leifer 1983, Djakarta, February 1972 (Hauswedell 1973, 23, footnote 30). Two countries did not reject Xxxxxxxx’x initiative in including them into the Axis: Viet Nam and North Korea. Indonesia has since maintained excellent close relations with these two countries. Nevertheless, this Axis could have had an effect on international politics if it were not for the fact that the Djakarta – Phnom Penh – Hanoi – Peking –Pyongyang Axis only lasted for less than one month and a half, i.e. until the 30 September 1965 Indonesian coup d’etat that was presumably conducted by the Partai Komunis Indonesia (Indonesian Communist Party or PKI) whereby several top military officers were kidnapped and assassinated. By that time anti-Chinese sentiment loomed large which led to the attack on the Chinese embassy by Indonesian citizens. Given the prevalence of the anti-communist campaigns throughout the country, the political atmosphere in Indonesia no longer favored relations with China, and hence, the alliance has since practically ended. It is worth noting that both the Soviet Union and the United States attempted to cultivate Indonesia’s friendship although the international climate was not conducive towards such an exercise. Based on Xxxxxxxxx’x analysis, such a stance may reflect the emergence of a long- range policy in which a strong Indonesia could ultimately constitute the essential and pivotal link in a future ‘Washington – Tokyo – Djakarta – New Delhi – Moscow Axis’ for the ‘Confrontation of China’ (Xxxxxxxxx 1967, 25558). Xxxxxxxxx (1967, 256202) also argued observed that should the idea behind the NEFOS strategy built on the premise that national independence and victory over colonialism are just the beginning of a long continuous struggle towards achieving ‘the just and prosperous society’ by warding off attempts by the OLDEFOS to maintain control over the economies of the NEFOS and to insist on the maintenance of subversive military bases. And Xxxxxxxx (1963, iii-iv) observed that one reason for being able to maintain this mantra was the economic weakness of the new countries. In turn, the doctrine of the New Emerging Forces hence appealed to those fighting imperialism, colonialism, and the Old Order. The rationale behind non-alignment come was, however, that the new states, acting as a third force within a bipolar Cold War global system, would not get entangled but would instead take an active part in mediation and conciliation between the United States and the Soviet Union. President Xxxxxxxx espoused a ‘new world’ without the coexistence of the major powers that is structured along an alignment system based on ‘justice’ and ‘injustice’ (Leifer 1983, 58-59), with a corresponding wholly new set of alignments and alliances (Modelski 1963, iv). The only organizational manifestation of the conception of the NEFOS versus the OLDEFOS was the permanent Federation of the Games of the New Emerging Forces (GANEFO) headquartered in Jakarta with thirty-six members ranging from countries such as China, France, the Soviet Union, the United Arab Republic, Mexico, and of course, Indonesia. The federation’s first sporting event was the GANEFO I held in Jakarta on November 1963 with financial support from the Chinese government. The motivation for holding the GANEFO was the result of a quarrel between Indonesia and the International Olympic Committee (IOC) over the staging of the Fourth Asian Games in Jakarta during August and September 1962, more specifically regarding the refusal by Indonesia’s Department of Foreign Affairs to fruitionissue visas to participants from Taiwan and Israel who were considered to be representatives of XXXXXXX (Leifer 1983, 70-71). The IOC withdrew its patronage while the International Amateur Athletics Federation threatened to withdraw recognition if visas were not granted. The Fourth Asian Games opened officially on time but with the absence of delegates from Taiwan and Israel. The doctrine of the NEFOS is thus an expression of a particular constellation of changing forces as exhibited by the following issues: the conflict between India and China in changing the context status of regional leadership the non- aligned movement and national- regional security Indonesia would still be the character of the Afro-Asian solidarity; by the Sino-Soviet dispute altering the position of the 'socialist countries’ within the bounds New Emerging Forces framework; and by the delicate balance of an forces within the Indonesian political system itself (Modelski 1963, viii). Eventually due to the inherent contradictions within the NEFOS strategy, the weak capabilities of the alliance partners, and the consequence of international counter-alignments, the materialization of the NEFOS – OLDEFOS concept failed (Hauswedell 1973, 12). Hauswedell (1973, 30) observed that despite its failure, the NEFOS doctrine was the first political manifestation of the growing North – South conflict in world politics that presented a coherent alternative to the Cold War patterns of alignment. Hauswedell (1973, 30) came to the analysis that the emergence of the NEFOS – OLDEFOS paradigm of looking at alignments of power was a radical challenge against the inequalities of the world system brought forth by two Asian powers (China and Indonesia), as manifested through the ‘active Peking – Jakarta Axis,’ while providing a strong enough common denominator for Asian nationalism and independent’ foreign policyanti-imperialism to build a bridge between a bourgeois nationalist and a communist regime.