Theme 3 market development This theme focuses on: • understanding the main market failures for CCU/CCS, for hydrogen and for low carbon industrial products and discussing how those could be addressed; and • Discussing the value of hydrogen as a new system-wide carbon free source and its role in industrial decarbonization and in facilitating the deployment of CCS infrastructure – versus the deployment of individual decarbonization solutions for each sector/plant. Discussion topics used as guidance for interview: • How to address market failures for CCU/CCS as waste management service? o for the whole cluster and for each sector. • Market enabler - discussion on role and value of market enabler for CCU/CCS. • Role of hydrogen as carbon free energy source vs individual sectoral decarbonisation.
Theme 3. Knowledge Spillover between villages Knowledge spillover from the Sundara Grama intervention from one village to another was variable, and seemed dependent on the relationships between villages. Two of the control villages were close enough to an intervention village for spillover to be possible, but spillover occurred in only one of the villages. Even when villages are physically close, strained relationships can block communication. In C3, participants knew that the intervention had taken place in I3, but did not know what it was about. As one man said, “No, we don’t have good terms with them, so, we don’t know what happened or not, in that village.” In addition to the poor relationship between the villages, poor relationships within I3 may have contributed to less information sharing. Participants in I3 described their village as one where fights occurred and people were afraid to speak freely. Men also spoke of the lack of judicial process and their fear of speaking out. “We don’t have the freedom to say what is right,” one said. “You are ten people present, and one cannot speak. If we speak out, then we might even get beaten.” Aside from outright conflict, participants in four out of the six villages appeared to perceive divisions within the village, often describing their village in terms of “this side” and “that side.” In contrast, relationships within C2 and I2 were described as relatively good by all the focus group participants in this area, which resulted in more knowledge sharing between villages. Women in C2 said, “All people are nice and have good relationships,” while men from I2 said, “The mentality of people here is very good. They are very good and cooperative. Everyone is eager to participate or contribute in some activities.” This environment may have contributed to the spillover that did occur between I2 and C2. Information about the palla and transect walk spread through various channels, including family members, children at school and passersby. While C2 knew the palla and community meeting had occurred in I2, neither of those activities made the impression that the transect walk made. The only instance of direct communication of intervention messages occurred after the transect walk. A woman from C2 said, “So, few known people of that village, they telephoned us and told that such things are happening, and cautioned us not to defecate in the open.” The transect walk brought shame to C2. Participants from C2 said, “Our village’s nam...
Theme 3. Girls as capable The “untapped potential” of girls is one of the most cited arguments for why investing in girls is smart economics. But what exactly does this potential signify? What is different about girls’ capacity compared to that of boys? In the World Economic Forum’s plenary session on girls (2009), Xxxxxx Xxxxx, the former first lady of Britain, answered a question about how the development community affirms commitment to the girl effect by arguing that girls are the strongest people in their society. She continued: They're people used to dealing with a crisis, yet somehow managing to still make a difference. We should have absolute confidence in these girls. It makes absolute sense to invest in them. They're not asking us for our pity. They're just asking for us to enable them to do what they're already doing, but they could do so much better with our help (Davos Annual Meeting 2009 - The Girl Effect on Development). Xxxxx’x response illustrates the development community’s celebration of the resilience of girls even when they live under the harshest conditions. Girls are constructed as tough and having “the self-determination required to begin better lives” (Girls Speak 2010: xvii). Even under harsh conditions, they strive for change. What they need is some help to overcome obstacles. Girls are vulnerable not because they do not know what is good for them or because they have “wrong” aspirations but because they do not have the necessary means to realize their dreams and aspirations. Girls Speak (2009), another publication from the series Girls Count by the Coalition for Adolescent Girls, reports the findings of a literature review on what girls themselves want.5 This report also illustrates the kinds of aspirations of girls that are celebrated by the development community. Since the report relies not on actual research but on a review of “all relevant material,” academic and non-academic, there is good reason to believe that it is selective in its reporting of how girls see themselves and envisage their own future. In this regard, it exemplifies the kinds of propensities of girls that are welcomed by the development community.
Theme 3. Trialling: How can we accelerate transformations? (Led by Cardiff: Xxxxxxxxx & Xxxxxxxx).
