Study 3. As the data collected in this study was a subsample of Study 2, the contributions were the same.
Study 3. The emotion response system in anorexia and bulimia nervosa: facial expression, subjective experience and physiology This chapter describes a study which extends the work in Chapter 3. As well as measuring facial expression and subjective response to emotional stimuli this study will measure physiology, namely skin conductance. Therefore, it provides the opportunity to investigate more objectively the emotion response system in people with an ED and to note any discrepancies across this system.
Study 3. Factorial simulations
Study 3. The vignette approach used in the previous studies is useful for examining topics that are sensitive and difficult to manipulate. However, it is also criticized for its lack of realism (Xxxxxxx & Xxxxxxx, 2014). We, therefore, opted for a more realistic approach for Studies 3 and 4. In both Studies, participants were organizational employees who were asked to judge the employment of a specific person within their own organization. Both studies were conducted in Indonesia, which is relevant because it has been suggested that although nepotism is universal, its manifestation is to some extent influenced by cultural values (Xxxxx & Xxxxxxx, 2012). Indeed, collectivism among Ecuadorian managers was found to be associated with their tolerance toward the practice of nepotism (Xxxxx & Xxxxxxx, 2015). Thus, given the greater prevalence (and tolerance) of nepotism in collectivistic cultures the current Indonesian studies may be seen as a conservative test of the current hypotheses. In Indonesia, nepotism became an important public issue during the Indonesian reformation movement in 1998 (Xxxxxxxxx-Snape, 1999). Since then, nepotism is considered a violation of the Indonesian constitution (Republic of Indonesia Law Number 28 Year 1999). However, whereas the majority of Indonesians view nepotism as undesirable (Melano, 2017), it remains commonplace in Indonesian politics and businesses. For example, the political reign of the Banten province is firmly in the hands of the Atut family (Xxxx Xxxx is a former Governor), where Xxxx'x relatives (e.g., son, mother, sisters, cousins, etc.) occupy various strategic political and business positions (Shatiri, 2013). The primary aim of Study 3 was to replicate our previous findings in this more realistic context. Guided by the previous studies, we further hypothesized that participants would primarily view the employment of kin (as compared to non-kin) as more unfair in terms of procedural fairness (Hypothesis 4). The low perception of procedural fairness would lead to the perception that the employment of kin is also unfair in terms of distributive fairness (Hypothesis 5). Participants were 228 employees (109 men, 119 women, Mage = 27.68, SDage = 8.11) of 10 different organizations in Indonesia. They were assigned to a 2 (Kinship: no kin vs. kin) × 2 (Competence: low vs. high) between-subjects design. They were given a lunch package as compensation for their participation.
Study 3. In Study 3, we manipulated the prominence of family ties in politics not only explicitly (as in Studies 1 and 2), but also through a subtler, more implicit approach. Examining the impact of the prominence of family ties in a more implicit approach is important because mere facts that politicians are tied by kinship do in itself not proof that nepotism is at play. However, the fact that family ties in politics are prominent may lead people to infer a pattern of family-based promotion. It is important to examine this in more detail because cues signaling nepotism often come in a subtle form, not explicitly referring to a kin relationship in conjunction with certain favors to family members as manipulated in the previous studies. Citizens of the U.S.A., for example, generally know that Xxxxxxx Xxxxxxx is the wife of a former president, that Xxxxxx
