Abstraction and the political Sample Clauses

Abstraction and the political. This thesis in part hopes to explore the disorderly geographies of Gurgaon cut through by a politics of social reproduction, gender, land and work. This politics, as I understand it is embedded, contingent and negotiated by an active albeit incoherent subaltern agency. It is through these relational negotiations that we come to a “politics” as an unstable abstract form. This conceptualisation stands in contrast to the abstract, “Politics” of much post-foundationalist thought. Xxxxxxxx from an Althusserian-inflected foundationalist dilemma (Xxxxxx, 2014), the post-foundational ‘Political’ asserts a distinct difference between the representable, identifiable qualities of politics, the ontic dimension, and the separate if related, total significance or nature of politics its ontological dimension. The ontological-turn, at the centre of contemporary European calls for ‘a political’, whether conceptualised as associative (via Xxxxxx) or conflictual (via Xxxxxxx) is founded upon a hesitant rejection of an ultimate ground of subjective experience (foundationalism) – the denial of an ultimate determining essence – and the embrace of a plurality of conditional foundations which fleetingly substantiate an essence only to be confronted with the impossibility of completeness (Marchart, 2007). It is my contention that, this body of work can be read as a specific convergence between the post-foundationalist dilemma and a post- Althusserian moment, wherein the role of the political philosopher takes centre stage, as identifier of the ontological difference, to differentiate the essential moment of autonomous human experience from the ontic-like qualities of everyday politics. It was Xxxxxxxxx’s critique of humanism and historicism, and reification of the philosopher as purveyor of Marxism, that former student Xxxxxxxx critiques in his polemic, Xxxxxxxxx’s Lesson (Xxxxxxxx, 1974). Here Xxxxxxxx contends that Xxxxxxxxx’s anti-humanism and anti-historicism are both “false symmetries” in which Xxxxxxxxx sets up (via a reading of The German Ideology which appears as a critique of the subject) the necessity for the intervention of the philosopher, as the interpreter of history, an ideological construct too complex for the masses to comprehend. As Rancière (1974, 10) notes with tongue firmly in cheek: “When it is a matter of organising history, the masses should wait for the “theses” that specialists in Marxism work out for their benefit. Roll up your sleeves and transform natu...
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