Dualism. The liberal conception of human nature is characterized by dualism, whereby the essence of humans is associated with the mind rather than body. The mind is understood as the seat of reason, and thus the essence of humans is understood to be rationality. Jaggar writes: “Liberal theory is grounded on the conception of human beings as essentially rational agents…Liberals assume that rationality is a ‘mental’ capacity. The classical liberal theorists were metaphysical dualists; that is to say, they believed that the human mind and the human body represented two quite different kinds of beings, each irreducible to and connected only contingently with the other. Contemporary liberal theorists are not committed explicitly to metaphysical dualism, but their political theory rests on a kind of dualism that I call ‘normative dualism’. Normative dualism is the belief that that what is especially valuable about human beings is a particular ‘mental’ capacity, the capacity for rationality. Liberals assume that the physical basis of this capacity is irrelevant to political theory.” 53 The problems with dualism, for Jaggar, include the fact that dualism discounts properties which are based on bodily markers or differences as politically irrelevant even when unjust relations of 53 Xxxxxx Xxxxxx, Feminist Politics and Human Nature. (Rowman and Xxxxxxxxxxx, 1983), p. 28. social, political, and physical power may be related in a particular society to these characteristics. Dualism splits reason from embodied experience, and thus mischaracterizes the basis of human knowledge, which for Jaggar is essentially social and embodied. 54 Exclusion of recognition of the political relevance of bodily properties to particular societies can and has yielded exclusion of those characterized more by their bodies than by their minds, which for many centuries included women, leaving this liberal conception of human nature with what Jaggar argues is a male bias. 55
Dualism. Next to Unitarianism and essentialism, dualism formed an important chosen approach of the Iranian elite culture during the post-revolutionary 60 - Xxxxxxxx, X. 2003. ‘fetrat’ (Essence), 14th edition, pp. 138-145, published in Iran; & Xxxxxxxx, X. 1997. ‘ma-arefe Islami dar xxxxx xxxxxx xxxxxxxx’ (‘the principles of Islam in Xxxxxx Xxxxxxxx xxxxx), xx. 00-00-00 00 - Xxxx. p. 79 62 - For more on this issue see Xxxxxxxx, X. ‘mazhab chyest’ (What is religion), in monthly review Farhang-i Toseeh (Developmental Culture), 1996, No. 22, p. 2, published in Iran Islamic Iran. This instrument has already been briefly referred to, but some important aspects remain to be addressed. The effects of divine unity in post-revolutionary Islamic Iran were portrayed as the very logic of the religious force upon both human and social reality. In this regard Xxxxxxxxx Xxxxxxxx emphasised that this reality was driven along through a complex intermediation of divine wish. This concept was nowhere more apparent than in his political theory, where he portrayed a continuous struggle between those whose essence is religiously-altruistic (en’sane’motealee) and their oppressors whose essence is rebellious (ta’qou’tee), those faithful to Islamic state and those who separated governance from Islamic principles (Xxxxxxx, 1995, pp. 296,304). A number of practical lessons may be derived from this theory. First, although Xxxxxxxxx Xxxxxxxx uses Mostazafin (oppressed) and Mostakberin (oppressor), Qur’anic terms to describe the different social groups, he suggests to looking at the social and economic appearance of the groups through their essence (Ibid. pp. 307,309). Xxxxxxxxx Xxxxxxxx’x concern was not with social or economic development, but with the politico-moral stance of groups in and out of society towards the establishment of an Islamic state, that is a transitional stage towards other-worldly salvation (Ibid. pp. 327,329). No point proves this more clearly than Xxxxxxxxx Xxxxxxxx’x refusal to allow for economic or social changes, which would be accordingly rebellious (Ibid. p.329). Second is Xxxxxxxxx Xxxxxxxx’x theory of Islamic governance, which forms a literal application of his theory of religious practice that represents the Islamic perceptual cognition, where the politico-moral of Islamic leadership (Ulama) is used as an initial guideline for mass conviction. In this way attention is focused on essence of social group and the practice of Islamic institution is highlighted as the...
