Salvadoran transnational networks in the post-war period Sample Clauses

Salvadoran transnational networks in the post-war period. The post-war period and the democratic opening that followed the signing of the 1992 Peace Accords changed transnational politics in two fundamental ways: it legitimised the right-wing ARENA (Alianza Republicana Nacionalista) government in the eyes of a previously-hostile expatriate community, and encouraged the FMLN to concentrate on national electoral politics at the expense of its transnational engagements (Itzigsohn, 2000). The FMLN retreat – reversed in the late nineties due to pressure from US-based supporters - effectively created a political vacuum which the Salvadoran government entered, offering services through its networks of consulates that had previously been provided by the FMLN (Itzigsohn, 2000). There is also evidence to suggest a simultaneous de-politicization of transnational spheres, which Xxxxx-Xxxxxxxxx (2004) has attributed to the spread of consumerism and the waning influence of Marxist and left wing ideology. The Salvadoran government also established the General Directorate within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (DGACE) in 2000 in order to formalize its relations with migrants. The body works through Salvadoran embassies and consulates, and coordinates projects with other government agencies that target the migrant community. It is also charged with the responsibility of maintaining communication with migrant communities and informing them of new initiatives and developments (Orozco, 2006). However, expatriate membership rights in El Salvador are less pronounced than those in Mexico. For example, migrants cannot vote in Salvadoran elections or run for political office from the United States. Despite this, there are transnational efforts underway to secure the right to vote and the politicised Salvadoran community continue to make their case, emphasizing their financial contributions to the Salvadoran state (Interview with Xxx Xxxxx, CARECEN, December 2010). While the FMLN initially supported an extension of the franchise, it later withdrew its support when the issue became controversial in El Salvador (Xxxxxxxxx, 2000). The state has demonstrated more interest in cultivating ties with the approximately 200 HTAs operating within the United States (Orozco, 2006). While the numbers of Salvadorans involved appears to be low – in a survey of remittance-senders Xxxxxx (2006) found that only 4 per cent of Salvadoran respondents were members – HTAs are capable of providing substantial assistance in rural areas. For instance, when Hurrican...