Independent Variables Sample Clauses
Independent Variables. Measure Description Source Staff size FTEs of the agency; control variable Annual budget declarations, agency websites Budget Annual budget of each agency; control variable Annual budget declarations, agency websites Media salience Number of newspaper articles that appear when using the agency name as a search term on the Factiva newspaper database for the time from 01/01/2014- 01/01/2018 Factiva Legal mandate Responsibility for regulatory or non-regulatory tasks Coded based on Rimkute (2019) coding scheme, verified by checking agency websites. Policy field Responsibility for economic or social policy Coded based on Rimkute (2019) coding scheme, verified by checking agency websites. tweeting frequency Average number of posted tweets per month Twitter (Share of ) informational tweets (Percentage of) tweets that have an informational character Twitter, machine learning classification of Tweets (Share of ) engaging tweets (Percentage of) tweets that have an engaging character Twitter, machine learning classification of Tweets Age Age of each agency Twitter account in days until October 1, 2019. Twitter This research used a machine learning classifier to automatically classify the tweets of agencies according to whether they are informational or engaging in nature (or none of these two options). Using machine learning techniques is increasingly common in public administration and political science research and has also been applied to agency communication (▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ and ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ 2018; ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ 2018; ▇▇▇▇▇▇ and ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ 2020). A subset of account descriptions and agency tweets was hand-coded into different classes (see table 2) and then automatically classified by the Bidirectional Encoder Representations from Transformers (▇▇▇▇) algorithm (▇▇▇▇▇▇ et al. 2018) provided by Google AI (for detailed information on how ▇▇▇▇ operates, see appendix B). ▇▇▇▇ is a language model that is based on some of the most recent developments in natural language processing and outperforms many of the standing benchmarks in language recognition and text classification. It is therefore well suited for application in this research context. Amongst the over 91000 tweets of the EU agencies, 1000 were randomly sub-sampled and hand-coded whether they belonged to one or two of the non-exclusive tweet categories (for coding examples, see table 2). Tweets were classified as engaging if they encouraged the reader to become active, either in everyday life or by participating in events...
Independent Variables robots’ parameters We examined the influence of three independent variables on the selected self-reported measures.
Independent Variables. My key independent variables are operationalized as follows. Veto players are actors whose assent is required for change to the policy status quo to occur. I limit the 10Very large firms may sometimes find it in their interest to engage in activities with positive externalities that will benefit the entire sector. These activities may include creating horizontal and vertical organizations that serve the interests of the sector. Although such behavor is initiated by large firms for self-interested reasons, I count it as evidence of coordinative interfirm institutions when the actions of the resulting institutions serve the interests of the horizontal or vertical bodies broadly. scope of this project to single, non-alternating veto player regimes and countries with a very high number veto players.11 Following ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ (2003a,b), I chose not to code ideology, but rather focused on the number of discrete, partisan actors who have formal veto authority over the particular policy space. Where factions are potentially important players within collective veto players, I use the level of direct, zero-sum competition among factions to determine whether to code them as veto players. So, though military factions may be important actors within a junta, they are only be counted as separate veto players where they are actively trying undermine one another via promotion channels or a coup. Likewise, a faction within a political party will only be counted as a separate veto player if it competes for votes with other factions in the same party. I am distinguishing between macro and micro economic policy stability because, while both are important for actors’ perceptions of the risks involved in forming coordinating institutions, they may be decided by different numbers of veto players. Additionally, they may be of unequal importance. It may be that the presence of particularistic interests in macro policy is more likely to result in highly hierarchical institutions than in micro policy.12 Though some have suggested that additional veto players may have non-linear effects on a variety of outcomes (▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇, 2003a,b; Cox & ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇, 2001), none have specified precisely where such a threshold would be. The observations I use to 11I do not assume all authoritarian governments are single veto player regimes. Tsebelis (2002; 1995) notes that powerful and distinct actors may be sharing power through institutionalized means with or without mass participation or protections of ci...
Independent Variables. The independent variables in the study included various forms of industry, functional, and role experience that were coded in the same way and measured at the team level. Drawing on data from the résumés of each founding team member, codes were assigned to capture the prior experience of each individual on a founding team. Codes of “1” were assigned for the presence of an experience type and codes of “0” were assigned for the absence. Using these individual coding assignments, team-level measures were then calculated to reflect an average of the individual assignments for each experience type (thus, team-level measures ranged between 0 and 1); the team-level measures are what are used to test the hypotheses. At times, the resultant team measures were distributed in a highly skewed, or bimodal or multimodal fashion. Such measures were transformed into either dichotomous or ordinal measures as described.
Independent Variables. HOMETOWN OF FLEMISH MINISTER
Independent Variables. This thesis draws upon the measures of female combatant presence and prevalence found in various iterations of the Women in Armed Rebellion Dataset (▇▇▇▇) as explanatory variables for each of the three empirical tests. The ▇▇▇▇ includes both binary and categorical indicators that reflect the presence and prevalence of women in hundreds of armed groups over a timespan of several decades. This chapter utilizes independent variable data from the original ▇▇▇▇ (▇▇▇▇ and ▇▇▇▇▇▇ 2017), which was merged by ▇▇▇▇▇▇, ▇▇▇▇▇▇, and Bränfors (2018) with data on peace agreements included in the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) dataset. The ▇▇▇▇ draws upon the list of groups included in the UCDP Dyadic Dataset (Harbom, Melander, and ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ 2007 v.1-2015) to generate the base sample of armed groups. International conflicts, civil conflicts involving only military factions, and coups are excluded, resulting in a sample representative of 80% of the UCDP Dyadic Dataset for the years included. The indicators of female combatant participation reflected in the ▇▇▇▇ were constructed from an array of open-source media, including news reports, academic scholarship, biographies, publicly-available government sources, and international and non-governmental organization reports (▇▇▇▇ and ▇▇▇▇▇▇ 2017). In line with the consensus conceptualization and operationalization of female fighters commonly applied for the disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) initiatives sponsored by the United Nations and other international organizations, female combatants are defined as “Women and girls who participated in armed conflicts as active combatants using arms.” (UN Women 2012, 22-23; ▇▇▇▇ and ▇▇▇▇▇▇ 2017). Like the sponsors of DDR programs, the ▇▇▇▇ distinguishes between female combatants and female supporters or females associated with armed forces and groups. Examples of the latter may include cooks, nurses, spies, translators, and women and girls used for sexual exploitation, among other roles. Female supporters, whether coerced or voluntary, are women and girls who participate in armed conflict in supportive roles and are economically and socially dependent on the armed group for income and social support. Female combatants, in contrast, receive military training and combat arms and directly participate in organized violence on behalf of the armed group in any capacity over the course of the conflict (▇▇▇▇ and ▇▇▇▇▇▇ 2017). As ▇▇▇▇▇▇ and ▇▇▇▇ (2017) have previously noted...
Independent Variables. The main independent variable of interest is the deep preferential trade agreements. However, the study has other control variables such as the regulatory quality, rule of law, voice and accountability, the government effectiveness, the Political Stability, urban population.
Independent Variables. Veto Authority The Kriangsak military government established a constitution and oversaw new elec- tions. In 1979 Kriangsak served as PM of an otherwise elected government coalition. The renewed pressures of high oil prices and general unpopularity within sections of the military forced him to step down in 1980 and General Prem headed coalition governments for the next eight years. Once in office, Prem recreated the firewall be- tween macroeconomic management and the line ministries, bifurcating policy along the lines set forward by Sarit. Macroeconomic decisions were deemed critical and insu- lated from partisan politics. Prem’s subordinates were quickly placed in direct control over the powerful Ministry of Finance (MoF) and he effectively held off both military and civilian efforts to steer these policies away from his conservative preferences. Fiscal policies were enacted by the Minister of Finance, the National Economic and Social Development Board (NESDB), and the Office of the Prime Minister, all of which were accountable directly to Prem (▇▇▇▇▇ & Laothamatas, 1994). The Parliament had no ability to increase the size of the budget, only (in theory) to reduce it. The partisan government coalition partners did fight continuously for control of lucrative government projects once the budget allocation process was complete, but they had almost no say on fiscal policy generally.10 Monetary and exchange rate policies were 10 Early in the semi-democratic period there was conflict between Prem and his deputy PM Boonchu over spending. Boonchu’s desire to engage in ‘pump-priming’ ran contrary to the austerity program preferred by Prem. The conflict, which ended in the dismissal of Boonchu and the temporary withdrawal of his Social Action Party from the ruling coalition, demonstrated Prem’s sole authority mostly decided by the BoT, under the direction of the (MoF). Trade policies were decided by the Finance Minister who was able to alter tariff rates without legislative approval (▇▇▇▇▇ & Laothamatas, 1994). This means that, though Prem may have delegated policy formation to the bu- reaucracy (especially the MoF), those institutions represented his preferred policy directions and he served as the sole veto player in macroeconomic issue areas. As this veto authority did not change hands, the framework would lead us to expect the nature of the overall macro policy environment to be determined by the level of systemic vulnerability. Microeconomic policies, meanwhile...
Independent Variables. We use two approaches to measure incarceration history to approximate the effects of both the timing and length of incarceration on the seven outcomes of interest. At the time of the baseline survey, fathers were asked a series of questions about their experiences with the 3We summed the number of days (0–30) that a father participated in each of the 6 activities and divided by the number of potential activities (6). We then averaged this for each child if a father had more than one nonresident child. criminal legal system including if they had ever been convicted of a crime, if they had ever spent time in an adult correctional institution, the longest amount of time they had ever been incarcerated, and their most recent date of release from either jail or prison. This set of questions allowed us to approximate both the timing and maximum length of a father’s incarceration.
Independent Variables. The GLR contained the following sociodemographic information: gender, date of birth, race, ethnicity, and marital status. It also contained major clinical features related to lupus. Baseline clinical factors included ACR criteria for SLE, and whether there were low complement levels (C3 and/or C4). All clinical features were coded as binary variables. The geocoded data contained 1999 median family income and the proportion of the 25 year old and over population with a high school (HS) degree or greater, within each block group. The U.S. Census Bureau defines a block group as a statistical division of a small, relatively permanent statistical subdivision of a county or equivalent entity[16]. Block groups generally contain between 600 and 3,000 people. The HDD contained hospital admission dates, hospital discharge dates, ICD 9 codes, insurance providers as a primary payer and a standardized cost per hospitalization.