The Narrative Sample Clauses

The Narrative. The Member will develop & implement a new community outreach plan for the wellness program connecting with potential clientele in Milwaukee’s Harambee neighborhood. The Activities, Outputs, and Additional Details

The Narrative. Hercules and ▇▇▇▇▇

The Narrative. When writing the narrative, talk about your journey as it relates to this project. How you discovered it, the people you met along the way and the joy of seeing your project completed. Make the story personal, visceral. Bring in personalities. Talk about the challenges and the associate solutions. It doesn’t have to be long, just poignant, and funny if you like!

The Narrative. The key entry point to build this narrative is the (very) high levels of food safety demanded by consumers – and, to a lesser extent, environmental sustainability criteria. This has indeed two major consequences. First, the level of stringency of public norms regarding sanitary aspects and some environmental aspects – mostly linked to climate change – is strongly reinforced. This con- cerns for example the extension of the GMO moratorium to seeds obtained through New Breeding Techniques, the continuous ban of hormones in cattle rearing or the continuous decrease in the limits for pesticides residues. Second, most of these public norms initially implemented in Europe are introduced as non-tariff barriers in bilateral free trade agreements (FTA) under civil society pressures who eventually man- aged to get their voice heard (e.g. in the CETA and TIPP case Hübner et al., 2017). This is for exam- ple the case for the ban of animal flours in the process of animal feed regarding sanitary aspects. The so-called “forest-risk commodities” (e.g. soybean or palm oil) – whose production is responsi- ble for tropical deforestation – could also be particularly targeted by trade restrictions under dif- ferent FTAs in the wake of recent discussions at the EU and MS levels. All in all, high public norms in Europe and the proliferation of non-tariff rules set the tone for domestic production and trade dynamics under this scenario, with a series of consequences at all levels. Given the uneven regulatory constraints that characterize the agricultural world market (high in Europe, medium to low in other major agricultural countries), a key assumption under this scenar- io is that production costs will become much higher in Europe. This will induce a loss of competi- tiveness which cannot be compensated by public subsidies (▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ et al., 2017, p. 46) – and this despite the high level of global demand, which also implies higher prices. As a consequence, Eu- rope is likely to lose the role it used to play on global markets for agricultural products and give place to emerging global players like Brazil, Argentina or Russia, especially when it comes to con- ventional products. The majority of European agriculture thus comes to feed the domestic market. However, European products still have a good reputation in terms of sanitary quality and there- fore keep on exporting on niche markets. The food market is shaped by the increasing role of high-tech solutions in the food sector an...

The Narrative. The key entry point to build this narrative is the high level of food safety demanded by consumers. In 2030, under this narrative, trade is mostly ruled by bilateral agreements, making global trade rules almost obsolete. As a consequence, the level of global trade has slightly decreased compared to the present time. Imports into Europe are regulated by non-tariff rules on the basis of clearly defined sustainability criteria, following numerous contestations from civil society organisations on trade liberalization (e.g. Hübner et al., 2017). In the meantime, the global demand for agricul- tural raw products has stabilized at a moderate level, following a due decrease in the demand for animal products and stricter regulation on biofuels. European consumers are extremely aware about the safety and the environmental impact of food products. NGOs are very vocal on social and traditional media on issues like animal welfare, healthy diets and the role of agriculture in environmental degradation. The demand for products of higher quality and with lesser impact on the environment is strong. The market share for organ- ic and other certified high quality products reaches 20%. Consumers are assisted in their choices by the development of sensors and public norms as well as applications developed by NGOs. In this configuration, we observe the beginning of a 5th nutrition transition with a strong reduction in the demand for animal proteins in favour of a rise in the demand for plant-based proteins. Con- ▇▇▇▇▇▇’ willingness to pay for quality food is high and the share of the food budget in the overall household budget is around 18%. As far as the expenses on food are compared across Europe, countries are converging. Supply chains are smaller and less commodified, which reduces competition between European countries to some extent. However, discrepancies between countries still exist as some countries have invested earlier in the transition of agricultural models through investments in research and extension services and in the development of new markets and infrastructures, thus facilitating the conversion to eco-friendly production (especially organic). Given the strong bargaining power of well-organized producers and their more direct access to consumers, the added value is fairly distributed along the supply chain. A variety of retail brands exist to respond to the very specific demands of consumers. The market share of the big five national retail brands falls down...

The Narrative. Except for geological and hydro-chemical surveys, few studies have discussed the Disi project from a political point of view. ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ (1997) is one of the first to talk about the aquifer in this sense, and the case is reported under the title of “Water ground disputes”. ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ illustrates a tense situation resulting in part from the cold relations between Jordan and Saudi Arabia after the Gulf Crisis of 1990-91. During the 1990’s, the Disi aquifer was already used by both countries. Saudi Arabia was abstracting around 650 MCM per year, mainly for irrigation, and Jordan was using no more than 75 MCM per year, mostly for irrigation, but also to supply the Southern town of Aqaba (Shapland 1997:148). Since it extracted relatively little from the Disi aquifer, Jordan was already planning to raise its rate of extraction to supply the Greater Amman area and to increase the quantity destined to aid Aqaba and irrigated agriculture. In 1992, the Jordanian Minister of Water was aiming to extract an annual amount of 80 MCM for 200 years45. The necessary capital and operating expenses would have increased the cost of delivering water to the end user in Amman to US$.80-90 per cubic meter; however, this cost was still regarded as acceptable and much cheaper than other possibilities, such as desalinisation or importing water from other countries (Shapland 1997). In the same year, Jordan publicly charged Saudi Arabia with over-exploiting the aquifer46. However, there was no Saudi response, not only because of cold diplomatic relations with Jordan. As a matter of fact, Saudi Arabia at the time was widely criticised for its policy of paying farmers 45 Source: Jordan Times, 8 December 1992 for wheat and for subsidising the purchase of diesel fuel for use in pumping water from the aquifer. This was, of course, economically unsound and environmentally unsustainable. ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ suggests this might have been the reason Saudi Arabia did not want the issue to be brought into the light of public discussion47. At the time, there was already an academic debate over Disi. However, the first scientific critiques of the impact of the project would not be put forth until nearly a decade later, in 1999 and 2000. Some Jordanian scientists opposed part of the project or the entire proposal. One professor at the University of Jordan, ▇▇▇▇ ▇▇▇▇▇▇, claimed that, with the same investment, Jordan would have been able to desalinate the brackish waters of the Ma’an region and the Ghor Aditha area....

The Narrative. In 2030, under this configuration, global markets are liberalized and European agri-food actors are competing with new global players from emerging countries, often more competitive. At the same time, the global demand for food is moderate, which limits the opportunities of European actors to increase their value added on global markets. The European market for agricultural products is highly segmented. Retailers offer a great variety of products from low-quality, discount food to high-quality, certified products that they sell for a higher price, sometimes within the same store sometimes via specialized subsidiaries. Segmenta- tion is high within retail groups but also across retail groups. One of the 5 big European retail brands has specialized in discount products, whereas another one has sold its discount subsidiaries to specialize on high-quality, certified products, merging with and buying off small specialized re- tail chains. This process of mergers and acquisitions is consolidating the oligopolistic structure of the European retail sector and strengthens the bargain power of the retail sector within the food chain. This allows the retail sector to sort of “dictate” the prices payed to the producer even more than today. Its dominant position within the food chain also allows the retail sector to influence agricultural practices to some extent. Given the strong presence and high number of labels, an important amount of producers adapts their practices to the requirements of more or less heavy certification processes. The high market segmentation corresponds to a highly fragmented consumers’ demand. Con- sumption patterns are strongly individualized but the overall demand for quality food is high and continues to grow. At the same time, demand for discount products is also high. Consumption patterns differ widely, along factors like level of education, income, place of residence, political orientation and age. The share of the budget spent on food as a share of the overall household budget varies between 10 and 16 %. The market share of organic products is around 14%. There are many labels that address specific consumer demands, some covering demands for high ethical standards for animal welfare, some covering environmental concerns and others guaran- teeing a fair price and fair working conditions for producers. Labels combining several of these concerns also developed. Consumers’ trust in agricultural products and in the different labels is a frequ...